For it was easy to distinguish between extremist

For obvious historical reasons right-wing
extremism wasn’t a current topic before 1990. Naturally after the change of
regime all those suppressed forces emerged at once, representing themseves in
various forms of right-wing organizations and anti-semitic movements. At the
beginning of the 2000s the most notorious organization was the Blood and Honour
(Vér és Becsület), which had neo-nazi views. The Blood and Honour was inclined
to use the symbols of nazism and make offensive and – in many cases –
intimidating statements. At last the government banned the organisation, which
of course doesn’t mean that there are no advocates of their views anymore.

However at that time it was easy to
distinguish between extremist right-wing and non-extremist right-wing.

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Extremism or

Nowadays we tend to use the word
radicalism as a synonym of extremism, which can lead to problematic
misunderstandings. Radicals however say, the difference is not negligible at
all, as they claim the main idea what the are fighting against is globalism
which offends the interest of nations, and not some sort of old, racist theory.
Of course their goals and ideas differ from moderate right-wing parties too.  Nevertheless when it comes to antisemitism it
doesn’t require a special acumen to draw a paralell between traditional
right-wing extremist and right-wing radicals, but still we have to make a
difference between nacionalists and nazists.


Radical right-wing

The first radical party which could take
part in the legistlation was the MIÉP founded by Csurka István in 1993. MIÉP
identified itself as a radical party even if some of the opponents  were convinced it was only a camouflage, as
antisemitism and rascism were a sporadic elment of their identity. Csurka, who
was the founder and also the leader of MIÉP, published an essay expressing his
point of view regarding the current government, and the main problems of the
country as he saw them in 1992. In his essay, Csurka writes that „…there are
also genetical reasons behind the decadence. We have to acknowledge that
disadvantaged groups have been living with us for a too long time, in which the
natural selection didn’t work…”

MIÉP was dropped out of the parliament at
2002, and has never got back in there, but shortly after that its politiacal
heir presented itself – at least that’s how the left-wing media sees Jobbik.

Jobbik was founded in 2003, identified
itself as conservative, radical right-wing party. Maybe the most importan
momentum was the foundation of the Magyar Gárda in 2007. The declaired goal of
them was arbitrary law enforcement in order to protect the Hungarian nation.
The Gárda used offensive symboles and became illegitimate by the end of 2007,
as they were showing up at places where there were ongoing conflicts between
gipsies and the majority. They were marching up intimidating people so that the
government decided to outlaw the organisation.

The Jobbik, however, found its way to the
parliement in 2010 after the financial crisis hit in 2008 causing loads of lost
voters for the left-wing side in power. In their first few years Jobbik
embodied a typical right-wing radical party with sporadic antisemitism. After
having a strong result at the elections, Jobbik changed its profile and
identified itself as a right-wing people’s party with radical roots. Most of
the radical voices had to leave Jobbik, since Gábor Vona, the chairmen of
Jobbik was determined to set the new direction. Nevertheless László Toroczkai,
who has gained his fame by violent and vigilante acts and has been accused of
using coercion, is still the vice-president of Jobbik.


extremism nowadays

According to the reseach of Athena
Institute about extremist organisations posing risk to people, the Betyársereg,
which was founded by the former Jobbik member, Zsolt Tyirityán is one of the
core organisations of right-wing extremism today. The first and foremost goal
of Betyársereg is to protect Hungarians from the opression of gipsies. They
also seem to have a strong attraction to martial arts. The Athena Institute
describes them as a rascist, extremist and sovinist organization.

Another Jobbik-related organisation is the
Hatvannégy Vármegye Ifjúsági Mozgalom led by the former and the present
vice-chairman of Jobbik (Zagyva György Gyula, Toroczkai László). The name comes
from the fact that Hungary, as a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire used to
have 64 counties before the Treaty of Trianon. As the name suggest, members of
the organization still deal with the former areas of historical Hungary as they
were only temporalily disannexed and think the consequances of the Trianon
treaty are somehow irreversible. The Athena Institute characterise it as
sovinist, extremist, racist and antisemitist.

Other honourable mentions are the racist,
extremist Új and the Nemzeti Magyar Gárda, and the hardly active, neo-nazist
Magyar Nemzeti Arcvonal.


Representation on
the media

            To my
relief, those movements don’t have a massive social basis, therefore they are
lacking financial resourses and media representation.

organisations have their own website of course. The most impartant one is
undoubtedly the, which publishes offensive, anti-semitist or racist
contents every now and then.

oraganisations hardly ever have any media representation neither on the
right-wing nor the left-wing media. Even if they have, they have to face the
fact that their ideas are not acknowledged by the intellectual elite.



Populism, as I see, is the essential part
of extremism, although that skill had been acquired by non-extremist parties as
well. Populism builds on aversion and fear, not the common sense.

People who support right-wing extremist
are supposded to be divided at least into two groups. On one hand there are a
few dozes of ideologically motivated fanatics, who agree with nazism or beleive
in the white superiority. On the other hand, the majority supports the so
called radicalism. Those people are afraid of the social changes, the migration
and its effects and also of the growing population of gipsies who have failed
to assimilate to the majority so far.