Informal and Formal Debate

Buildings are inevitably just functional, but might fit their purpose for their De sign and change their uses. This is a wonderful fact of architecture. Yet planning culture e might not be something we can do. Planning Culture A: Talking about the West Kowloon Cultural District, that demonstration as the e failure of time and culture as the problem from a very topknot basis. CRIB There is a contradiction on architects’ fascination about culture and the u unclearness of it. Culture changes and it’s difficult to predict where the inspiration comes f room and what new media will be coming.

A top down decision like creating a cultural did trick as hardware is denying and intimacy with the software for culture to take root. T he idea of cultural district is by zooming out in a classical modern city, any successful case e should take significant amount of time as culture grows slowly and build upon itself. Architect’s role in the top down development in existing urban fabric A: Within an economic model, architects role is very small in terms of decision making.

M: Yet we should not see ourselves as individual, but a group of people, no m tater professionals or not, seeing the problems with the planning system and educe ate homeless to engage that political process and try to make a difference. For example of the Marine Police Headquarters and compared it with the case of downtown Guanos, where the former is kept while later is completely torn down with no people left. My objection to a lot of these projects is about the fabric. I liked the not v organized but lively fabric of Guanos, and was pity for the community that was destroyed.

Thought I am not from Hong Kong, there are always someone who lived here wanting to participate in the decision making. Balance of city ambition with human scale and social needs A: We should not see ourselves as an author of a design, but a facilitator or cry eater for certain collective opinion and action. We have to empower ourselves before bringing in other values. The single intention Of generating profits in any economic activity excludes many other values and is problematic. An architect is the right peers n to take lead in such kind of transformation if he can bring in the values in such formal process.

T: If you as architectural students still believe we can change the world. There should be a strong discipline to resist the economic power, and that architects have s meeting to offer to the clients and the society as a profession. There are words quoted fro m Frank Gerry ‘TFH you hire an architect, why don’t you hire him to design the bull ding? Why would you tell him what to do? ” There are contradictions between the his tortilla material heritage and financial means of the society and of the future.

I have done couples of interviews with some mainland academic scholars, and am fascia a Ted about the negotiation under the accusation of being nostalgic, the failure of s engine the meaning of housing to people and that preserving everything will end up gent fifing the Older parts Of city. Hong Kong has its uniqueness of limited geography to ho SE many people. There should be a balance for a city to adapt to become heterogeneous us to absorb the material heritage while not pickling itself. He thought this is a phew omen of the erasure of city being faced by many Chinese cities in the 20th century.

C: Continued with the example of Hong Kong, that Hong Kong is the embodied .NET of those cycles of capitalism. Architecture students should try to redefine success s In architecture, and trying to embrace the rules and regulations as they are very such in the station of the existence they were with. Classics C Bilabial = B Joshua = J Alvin = A Cole = CRY Tom T Melissa: M use these initials to start whenever someone starts to talk such as C: Welcome to our Informal and Formal debate….. Blah blah Blah FORMAT FOR SUMMARY: 1. Short heading about content I. E. A. Policy vs.. Regulation (Bold font / Separated from text) 2.

Just a summarized short version of the literal transcript, like excluding all the repetitive or interrelated sentences 3. Get rid of the speakers name 4. Hilting examples (if it is important use italics and subtitle it) a. High Street 5. AIM: to reduce the word limit to about 1 0001500 words in total Debate starts Introduction of topics C: The 5 themes Of informal and formal architecture. 1 . Image perception What are the image of slums and our perception of it and how have they chi engaged over time. 2. Adaptation How the informal and formal adapt to different cities and how they grow. . Governance How the government has controlled this and how the people and the govern moment relate to each other. 4. Community The differences and similarities between informal and formal communities. 5. Plantations/ disparity Investigate on the rich and poor gap Self introduction of participants M: I worked in both formal and informal settings and as a Landscape Architect t within city processes within Washington DC. Designing parks and rooftops for build nags which is a very formal process, having to go through permits and all the procedures within the city.

Where they would not want any informal activities to occur. I have also w irked in Seattle in 2008, where the economy has gone down and where there is a whole e number Of informal activities which are being done by a lot Of local artists and designed s as well as MONGO organizations and sparks activities and redevelopment activities with n the city. My studio project is on Poke If Lam Village in Hong Kong. CRY: My research navigates between the informal and the formal and how for mall governance impacts relates or as often overshadow by informal physical dive element of places .

In the case of Treaty port Shanghai, what was fascinating to me is a bout the origins of the Treaty Port itself was the Opium war was very much right about British Expansion, the allowance of British expansion and trade into Chinese cities. A ND that read was not allowed on the formal bases by the Icing government, there w ere rules and laws that outlawed British trade in certain cities. The entire point of the O opium war was to allow this kind of informal development mercantile activity in contact t o develop and blossom.

There is this really interesting tension instantly develops in a Pl ace like Shanghai between formal governance of a place and the informal activities the at other parties would want to engage it. The international settlement was settled touts De the Chinese city and what was interesting was, initially, the British government a ND recreants actually want to base themselves in the Chinese city and the reason n they wanted to do that was to upset, disturb the formal equilibrium, the formal go variance of the Chinese city.

Thereby disrupting, upsetting and hopefully, hypothetically try Jiggering commercial activity. The tension between the informal and formal is the core of my work. T: The plantations and the paradox between the formal and informal the rub animism making is quite close to my research and the book I published a few months a go called Mistranslating the Adaptive City. The observations of architects is generally enamored y the ways in which the spots will cut and take shape in the sense of 19th Ce entry validation of look no design.

And it really does raise paradox in ways that cit less are planned and in the more formal urban planning mechanisms of process of our ban planning which aim to notes control and regulate the regimes of space but also the ways in which the city seen as fine art in time, fixing and unfinished. In contra SST to more planned city in set of lines that are fully controlled by computer. Informal cities s tends to play out mechanisms that are very local and interactions that are very small s ale. My interest in research in the complexity of urbanism has to touch on informality A: I have been an independent curator for the past 10 years.

I don’t curate wit hind a museum but curates in a city. I partnered with a lot Of organizations from the e civic society MONGO organizations and even the Universities. Complexity, I think there are a lot of the different role play in between the institutes and the slums especially in a place like Hong Kong and with the government like that today. One of my projects at the e end formalized itself and becomes institute where they called it a development buy they started by working with the university and small developments. Perception of slums M: This perception depends by the actual environment itself.

Taking Pocketful m village as an example, it has just been put on the World Heritage concern list but the South China Morning Post editorial team thinks the village isn’t worth keeping. A lot of discouraging comments coming from them about this place, where no one in Hong Kong really know of it. There is a sort of curiosity of why does it still exist in a way that it does and is really the result of two different policies one of them is the squat r policy that took flight in 1982. It’s to stop people from squatting saying that nothing else can be developed and if you do you will have to use the same materials as the ones u seed in 1982.

So basically what they have done is present;e the village’s form from 1 98 2. And the other one is the poke If Lam Moratorium which kept any further develop meet of height being built in Pocketful. So these two policies in effect preserved it in s mom ways and that is a very different situation than perhaps has happened in other coo entries in the south. Poke If Lam Village. A waiting game? R the authority waiting for the lass t generation to die so they can take back the land M: There are many of the people that owned the land have moved out to Chi If, the big housing tower next door.

But a number of quite active people in the village w ho are like the 2nd, and or 4th generation who still are holding onto those pieces. The la ND tenures are very mixed, some pieces that are very original, not land grants because H K island is not the same as New Territories where you get there small houses policy. So t happens actually before then so that they have 999 year lease on these piece s which re not only just the inroad of historical houses but the agricultural plots b aside them, which are separated in distance.